Fifth Amendment:
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
Explicit in the Just Compensation Clause is the requirement that the taking of private property be for a public use; one cannot be deprived of his property for any reason other than a public use, even with compensation.1 The question whether a particular intended use is a public use is clearly a judicial one,2 but the Court has always insisted on a high degree of judicial deference to the legislative determination.3 The role of the judiciary in determining whether that power is being exercised for a public use is an extremely narrow one.
4 When it is state action being challenged under the Fourteenth Amendment, there is the additional factor of the Court’s willingness to defer to the highest court of the state in resolving such an issue.5 As early as 1908, the Court was obligated to admit that, notwithstanding its retention of the power of judicial review, [n]o case is recalled where this court has condemned as a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment a taking upheld by the state court as a taking for public uses . . . .
6 However, in a 1946 case involving federal eminent domain power, the Court cast considerable doubt upon the power of courts to review the issue of public use. We think that it is the function of Congress to decide what type of taking is for a public use and that the agency authorized to do the taking may do so to the full extent of its statutory authority.
7 There is some suggestion that the scope of the judicial power to determine what is a ‘public use’
may be different as between Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment cases, with greater power in the latter type of cases than in the former,8 but it may well be that the case simply stands for the necessity for great judicial restraint.9 Once it is admitted or determined that the taking is for a public use and is within the granted authority, the necessity or expediency of the particular taking is exclusively in the legislature or the body to which the legislature has delegated the decision, and is not subject to judicial review.10
At an earlier time, the factor of judicial review would have been vastly more important than it is now, inasmuch as the prevailing judicial view was that the term public use
was synonymous with use by the public
and that if there was no duty upon the taker to permit the public as of right to use or enjoy the property taken, the taking was invalid. But this view was rejected some time ago.11 The modern conception of public use equates it with the police power in the furtherance of the public interest. No definition of the reach or limits of the power is possible, the Court has said, because such definition is essentially the product of legislative determinations addressed to the purposes of government, purposes neither abstractly nor historically capable of complete definition. . . . Public safety, public health, morality, peace and quiet, law and order—these are some of the . . . traditional application[s] of the police power . . . .
Effectuation of these matters being within the authority of the legislature, the power to achieve them through the exercise of eminent domain is established. For the power of eminent domain is merely the means to the end.
12 Subsequently, the Court put forward an added indicium of public use
: whether the government purpose could be validly achieved by tax or user fee.13 Traditionally, eminent domain has been used to facilitate transportation, the supplying of water, and the like,14 but the use of the power to establish public parks, to preserve places of historic interest, and to promote beautification has substantial precedent.15
The Supreme Court has also approved generally the widespread use of the power of eminent domain by federal and state governments in conjunction with private companies to facilitate urban renewal, destruction of slums, erection of low-cost housing in place of deteriorated housing, and the promotion of aesthetic values as well as economic ones. In Berman v. Parker,16 a unanimous Court observed: The concept of the public welfare is broad and inclusive. The values it represents are spiritual as well as physical, aesthetic as well as monetary. It is within the power of the legislature to determine that the community should be beautiful as well as healthy, spacious as well as clean, well-balanced as well as carefully patrolled.
For public use,
then, it may well be that public interest
or public welfare
is the more correct phrase.17 Berman was applied in Hawaii Housing Auth. v. Midkiff,18 upholding the Hawaii Land Reform Act as a rational
effort to correct deficiencies in the market determined by the state legislature to be attributable to land oligopoly.
Direct transfer of land from lessors to lessees was permissible, the Court held, there being no requirement that government possess and use property at some point during a taking.
19 The ‘public use’ requirement is . . . coterminous with the scope of a sovereign’s police powers,
the Court concluded.20
The expansive interpretation of public use in eminent domain cases may have reached its outer limit in Kelo v. City of New London.21 There, a five-justice majority upheld as a public use the private-to-private transfer of land for purposes of economic development, at least in the context of a well-considered, areawide redevelopment plan adopted by a municipality to invigorate a depressed economy. The Court saw no principled way to distinguish economic development from the economic purposes endorsed in Berman and Midkiff, and stressed the importance of judicial deference to the legislative judgment as to public needs. At the same time, the Court cautioned that private-to-private condemnations of individual properties, not part of an integrated development plan . . . raise a suspicion that a private purpose [is] afoot.
22 A vigorous four-justice dissent countered that localities will always be able to manufacture a plausible public purpose, so that the majority opinion leaves the vast majority of private parcels subject to condemnation when a higher-valued use is desired.23 Backing off from the Court's past endorsements in Berman and Midkiff of a public use/police power equation, the dissenters referred to the errant language
of these decisions, which was unnecessary
to their holdings.24